probability panel
Ipsos
NPR/Ipsos Social Issues in America Poll · Jun 10–12, 2022 · US national
Methodology
- Pollster
- Ipsos commercial
- Sponsor
- NPR
- Commissioned by
- NPR
- Fielded
- Jun 10–12, 2022
- Population
- adults
- Sample size
- 1,028
- Sample frame
- probability panel
- Panel
- Ipsos KnowledgePanel
- Mode
- online - self-administered web survey of the probability-based KnowledgePanel; address-based sampling recruitment via the USPS Delivery Sequence File; panelists without internet provided a tablet and connection
- Margin of error
- +/- 3.3 percentage points at the 95% confidence level for all respondents (design-effect adjusted)
- Weighting
- Weighted to adjust for gender by age, race/ethnicity, education, Census region, metropolitan status, and household income. Demographic benchmarks from the 2021 March Supplement of the Current Population Survey.
- Geography
- US national
- Base notes
- 273 Republicans, 311 Democrats, 438 Independents/other. Several items used split samples of N=514 each (Split Sample A / Split Sample B).
Sources
Verification note. Wording and all figures, including the Republican/Democrat/Independent columns, read directly from the Ipsos 'TOPLINE & METHODOLOGY' PDF (pp. 2, 9-14). Fielded three and a half months after the Texas DFPS child-abuse directive and Florida's Parental Rights in Education law, and the topline carries items keyed to both. || Full 26-page NPR/Ipsos topline & methodology PDF retrieved and text-extracted. All wording and percentages below transcribed directly. FRAME NOTE: probability-based KnowledgePanel, so a true margin of sampling error applies - unlike the Reuters/Ipsos opt-in polls of the same era, which report credibility intervals. For the 'child abuse' item (4l) only the Total Support Summary row was captured; the full five-row distribution for that sub-item was not located in the extracted pages and is flagged in known_gaps.
Figures below are transcribed from these documents. Where they disagree with the source, the source governs.
Questions asked (10)
LGBTQ issues as a top-three worry relative to other issues
Which three of the following topics do you find the most worrying? (Select up to three)
Inflation or increasing costs
51%
Crime or gun violence
43%
Political extremism or polarization
28%
Abortion
9%
Education
6%
LGBTQ issues
3%
Wording notes: 'LGBTQ issues' is the only sexual-orientation/gender-identity option and is not broken out for transgender specifically | select-up-to-three format
neutral — Neutral salience battery; the aggregate 'LGBTQ issues' label limits transgender-specific inference but does not slant it.
Subgroup figures (3)
familiarity with controversies over LGBTQ issues in public schools
How familiar are you, if at all, with the following? - Controversies over LGBTQ issues in public schools
Somewhat familiar
43%
Very familiar
26%
Not very familiar
19%
Not at all familiar
10%
Skipped
1%
Familiar (net) 69%Unfamiliar (net) 29%
Wording notes: battery item among seven national controversies
neutral — Standard familiarity scale.
Subgroup figures (3)
allowing transgender female student athletes on women's and girls' teams
Do you support or oppose the following? - Allowing transgender female student athletes to compete on women's and girls' sports teams
Wording notes: asked in the affirmative direction (support for allowing), so 'oppose' is the restrictive answer | offers 'Not familiar with this' as an explicit escape | one of twelve items in a mixed battery dominated by gun-policy items
neutral — Direct, affirmatively framed policy item with no argument attached; 'transgender female' is the standard descriptor.
Subgroup figures (9)
state laws preventing transgender youth from accessing transition medical care
Do you support or oppose the following? - State laws or policies that prevent transgender youth from accessing gender transition medical care
Wording notes: 21 percent chose 'Not familiar with this', the second-highest non-familiarity share in the battery | does not specify which treatments the laws cover
neutral — Describes the law's effect in plain terms without adopting either side's slogan.
Subgroup figures (6)
classifying youth gender transition care as child abuse (the Texas DFPS directive)
Do you support or oppose the following? - State laws or policies that classify gender transition medical care for youth as child abuse
Wording notes: 26 percent chose 'Not familiar with this' - the highest non-familiarity share of any item in the battery | the closest national read on the February 2022 Texas DFPS directive
neutral — Reports the policy in the terms the state itself used; no argumentative gloss added.
Subgroup figures (6)
teaching middle and high school students about sexual orientation and gender identity
Do you support or oppose the following? - Teaching middle and high school students about sexual orientation and gender identity
Wording notes: restricts the age frame to middle and high school, unlike Florida's K-3 statute | bundles sexual orientation with gender identity (double-barreled)
double_barreled — Sexual orientation and gender identity are combined so the two cannot be separated; the middle/high-school age frame also makes this a more permissive test than the statutes it tracks.
Subgroup figures (6)
forced choice between allowing and preventing youth access to hormone therapy
Which of the following is more important in your view, even if neither is exactly right?
Which of the following is more important in your view, even if neither is exactly right? - Allowing transgender youths under the age of 18 to access gender transition medical care like hormone therapy / Preventing transgender youths under the age of 18 from accessing gender transition medical care like hormone therapy until they are 18 or older
Preventing transgender youths under the age of 18 from accessing gender transition medical care like hormone therapy until they are 18 or older
59%
Allowing transgender youths under the age of 18 to access gender transition medical care like hormone therapy
37%
Skipped
5%
Wording notes: forced choice with no middle option and no 'not familiar' escape | the restrictive alternative is worded as a delay ('until they are 18 or older') rather than a prohibition | the restrictive alternative is 33 words to the permissive alternative's 20
tilts_restrictive — Softening the restrictive side into a wait-until-18 delay makes it the moderate-sounding option, and the forced format denies the fifth of respondents who said they were unfamiliar anywhere to go.
Subgroup figures (6)
perceived local incidence of teachers discussing sexual orientation and gender identity with elementary students
To the best of your knowledge, have the following happened in your community?
To the best of your knowledge, have the following happened in your community? Public school teachers discussing sexual orientation and gender identity with elementary school students
Wording notes: split-sample experiment: Form A asks about elementary students, Form B about middle/high school students - a deliberate age-manipulation design | perception item, not a measure of actual incidence
neutral — Straight perceived-incidence item; the split-sample design is a methodological strength that isolates the effect of student age. The 52% 'don't know' is the substantive finding - most respondents had no idea whether this was happening locally, during the peak of the 'Don't Say Gay' news cycle.
Subgroup figures (3)
perceived local incidence of teachers discussing sexual orientation and gender identity with middle/high school students
To the best of your knowledge, have the following happened in your community?
To the best of your knowledge, have the following happened in your community? Public school teachers discussing sexual orientation and gender identity with middle school or high school students
Wording notes: split-sample counterpart to the elementary-school version
neutral — Same neutral perceived-incidence construction as its Form A twin. Comparing the two forms is the point: 24% say yes for middle/high school versus 17% for elementary, and Republicans report higher perceived incidence than Democrats on both forms.
Subgroup figures (3)
forced choice between allowing and preventing under-18 gender transition care
Which of the following is more important in your view, even if neither is exactly right?
Preventing transgender youths under the age of 18 from accessing gender transition medical care like hormone therapy until they are 18 or older
59%
Allowing transgender youths under the age of 18 to access gender transition medical care like hormone therapy
37%
Skipped
5%
Wording notes: no middle option and no 'don't know' - only 'Skipped' absorbs non-response | restrictive option is longer and adds the reassuring qualifier 'until they are 18 or older', which softens it relative to the permissive option | specifies hormone therapy as the exemplar, excluding puberty blockers and surgery
tilts_restrictive — Two design features push the same way. The restrictive option carries the mitigating clause 'until they are 18 or older' - framing it as a delay rather than a denial - while the permissive option gets no comparable softening. And the item follows two restrictively-worded care items in the immediately preceding battery. Note the 22-point gap between this 59% and the 31% who supported state laws banning the same care in Q4g: the same respondents endorse the outcome far more readily than the legislation.
Subgroup figures (6)