probability panel
Ipsos
Reuters/Ipsos Large Sample Poll 1, February 2025 · Feb 13–18, 2025 · US national
Methodology
- Pollster
- Ipsos commercial
- Sponsor
- Reuters
- Commissioned by
- Reuters
- Fielded
- Feb 13–18, 2025
- Population
- adults
- Sample size
- 4,125
- Sample frame
- probability panel
- Panel
- Ipsos KnowledgePanel
- Mode
- online - self-administered web survey of the probability-based KnowledgePanel; address-based sampling recruitment via the USPS Delivery Sequence File
- Margin of error
- +/- 1.6 percentage points at the 95% confidence level for all adults (design-effect adjusted)
- Weighting
- Weighted to adjust for gender by age, race and ethnicity, census region, metropolitan status, education, household income, party ID, and 2024 presidential vote. Party ID benchmarks from the 2024 NPORS annual survey; demographic benchmarks from the 2024 March supplement of the Current Population Survey.
- Geography
- US national
- Base notes
- The 'About the Study' page states 4,125 U.S. residents age 18+, while the topline tables report N=4,145 for full-sample items (1,300 Democrats, 1,309 Republicans, 1,165 Independents). Both figures are recorded as published; the discrepancy is in the source document, not introduced here. Two items (TM3212Y24_13 and _14) were split-sampled at roughly N=2,070 each.
Sources
Verification note. Full 59-page Reuters/Ipsos topline & methodology PDF retrieved and text-extracted. This is the single most valuable Ipsos fielding in the corpus for the executive-order period: fielded three weeks after EO 14168 ('Defending Women from Gender Ideology Extremism'), EO 14183 (military service) and EO 14187 (minors' medical care), and one week after EO 14201 (women's sports). Critically, it fields a four-item sports battery that varies ONLY the level of competition and the direction of transition, which isolates what the public is actually objecting to. FRAME NOTE: this is KnowledgePanel - a probability panel with a true margin of error - unlike the 2022-2023 Reuters/Ipsos opt-in fieldings. Reuters/Ipsos migrated from opt-in river sampling to KnowledgePanel between the 2023 and 2025 fieldings, so pre/post comparisons cross a mode boundary. || Full 13-page Washington Post-Ipsos topline retrieved and text-extracted. Fielded on exactly the same dates as the Reuters/Ipsos Large Sample Poll (February 13-18, 2025) on the same KnowledgePanel, which makes the two an unusually good natural comparison. The trans military item here (42% support / 53% oppose) sits within sampling error of the Reuters/Ipsos measurement of the same policy two weeks earlier (40/55). No party breaks are published in the Post topline. Also recorded below are two coded open-end categories in which transgender policy appears.
Figures below are transcribed from these documents. Where they disagree with the source, the source governs.
Questions asked (10)
transgender girls in women's sports
To what extent do you agree or disagree with the following statements?
To what extent do you agree or disagree with the following statements? Transgender girls should be allowed to participate in women's sports
Wording notes: wording is essentially identical to the 2022 and 2023 TM2062Y21_2 fieldings, but the sample frame changed from opt-in to KnowledgePanel - the trend is not mode-clean | category mismatch: 'transgender girls' (minors) into 'women's sports' (adult category)
neutral — Neutral construction with an explicit 'Don't know' that 14% took. Its real value is as one cell in a four-cell design: read alongside items _10, _11 and _12 it shows opposition is highest for elite women's leagues (65% disagree), next for trans girls generically (63%), lower for children's sports (55%) and lowest for trans boys in men's sports (54%).
Subgroup figures (9)
transgender boys in men's sports
To what extent do you agree or disagree with the following statements?
To what extent do you agree or disagree with the following statements? Transgender boys should be allowed to participate in men's sports
Wording notes: mirror item isolating direction of transition while holding everything else constant
neutral — The experimental value is high. Trans boys entering men's sports raises no competitive-advantage concern at all, yet 54% still disagree and 43% disagree strongly. That residual is the clearest available evidence within Ipsos's own data that objection to trans athletes is not fully explained by the fairness rationale.
Subgroup figures (7)
transgender women in elite women's leagues
To what extent do you agree or disagree with the following statements?
To what extent do you agree or disagree with the following statements? Transgender women should be allowed to complete in elite women's sports leagues (WNBA, NCAA, NWSL, Olympics, etc.).
Wording notes: names four specific elite leagues, which anchors the respondent on the highest-stakes competitive context | typographical error in the fielded stem ('complete' for 'compete')
neutral — Precisely specified and neutrally worded. Naming elite leagues is not loading - it is the manipulation the design depends on. This produces the highest opposition of the four cells (65% disagree, 54% strongly), which is the correct comparison point for the NYT/Ipsos unspecified-level item that produced 79%.
Subgroup figures (7)
transgender athletes in elementary and high school sports
To what extent do you agree or disagree with the following statements?
To what extent do you agree or disagree with the following statements? Transgender athletes should be able to participate in children's sports (elementary/high school)
Wording notes: same wording as the July 2023 item TM3158BY23_3, but fielded on KnowledgePanel rather than the opt-in sample
neutral — Neutral and level-specified. Comparing to July 2023 on identical wording: agreement 32% then, 26% now; disagreement 52% then, 55% now - restrictive movement, though the mode change from opt-in to KnowledgePanel confounds the comparison.
Subgroup figures (6)
support for the executive order banning trans girls and women from female school and college sports
To what extent do your support or oppose the following policies?
To what extent do your support or oppose the following policies? Banning transgender girls and women from participating in female sports events in schools and colleges
Wording notes: NO 'don't know' or 'not sure' option in this battery - unlike the agree/disagree sports items in the same questionnaire, which offered one and saw 14-16% take it | restrictive polarity: 'support' means supporting the ban | presented as an existing federal policy in the ExecOrder battery, which invokes partisan cue-taking | typographical error in the fielded stem
tilts_restrictive — The critical design fact is the missing don't-know. In the very same questionnaire, the agree/disagree sports items offered 'Don't know' and 14-16% used it; this battery does not, and support for the ban comes in at 63% against 63% disagreement with trans girls' inclusion on the item nearby. Forcing the undecided to choose, in a battery explicitly framed as administration policy, moves respondents toward the restrictive default. Comparisons between this item and the agree/disagree items should not be made without accounting for that.
Subgroup figures (9)
housing transgender women prisoners in men's prisons
To what extent do your support or oppose the following policies?
To what extent do your support or oppose the following policies? Requiring that transgender women prisoners serve their time in men's prisons
Wording notes: no 'don't know' offered | restrictive polarity | does not mention the documented safety consequences for trans women housed in men's facilities, which is the central contested fact
neutral — Plainly worded description of the policy EO 14168 actually directed, with a balanced four-point scale. It omits the safety argument, but it equally omits the safety argument on the other side, and the omission is symmetric. This is the single trans-restrictive policy in the battery that the public rejects - 42% support against 51% oppose - which makes it the most informative item in the set about where the restrictive coalition breaks down.
Subgroup figures (6)
vote motivation from the trans sports ban policy
Below is a list of proposed or current policies of the federal government. Regardless of whether you support or oppose the policy, how much do each of the following policies you motivate you to vote in the next election?
Below is a list of proposed or current policies of the federal government. Regardless of whether you support or oppose the policy, how much do each of the following policies you motivate you to vote in the next election? Banning transgender girls and women from participating in female sports events in schools and colleges
Very motivating
32%
Not at all motivating
18%
Somewhat motivating
15%
Don't know
12%
Motivating 19%
Wording notes: the fielded stem is grammatically broken, which raises a genuine comprehension question about what respondents were answering | explicitly direction-neutral ('regardless of whether you support or oppose'), which is a design strength | 'Don't know' offered here, unlike the paired support/oppose battery
neutral — The direction-neutral framing is well designed and the item does what few others do - separates salience from position. Democrats and Republicans report similar overall motivation (48% vs 66% very/motivating) even though they take opposite positions, which is exactly the kind of finding this construction exists to surface. The broken grammar in the stem is a real data-quality caveat but is recorded rather than corrected.
Subgroup figures (6)
banning transgender people from military service
Do you support or oppose each of the following? (Items a-d asked of one half sample, e-h asked of other half sample)
Do you support or oppose each of the following? Banning transgender people from serving in the military
Wording notes: the summary table publishes only a two-way Support/Oppose split plus 'No opinion/Skipped'; no strength-of-opinion breakdown is printed for this item | restrictive polarity | narrower than the Reuters/Ipsos version, which covered both 'enlisting and serving openly' - this asks only about serving | half-sample base
neutral — Terse and accurate description of the policy with a symmetric two-way choice and an explicit no-opinion escape. The battery is a mix of popular and unpopular administration actions, so it does not stack the deck. Note the convergence: two independent Ipsos-fielded instruments with different sponsors, different item wording and different scales both land trans military exclusion at 40-42% support and 53-55% opposition in February 2025.
best thing Trump has done, open-ended - share naming DEI/LGBT/transgender policy
(IF SUPPORT TRUMP) What do you think is the best thing Trump has done since entering office in January? (Open-end; responses grouped into categories)
Wording notes: asked only of respondents who said they support what Trump has done, so the base is supporters rather than all adults | the coding scheme merges DEI rollback, 'LGBT inclusions' and transgender policy into a single bucket, so the trans-specific share cannot be isolated
neutral — Unprompted open-end, which is the strongest available evidence about spontaneous salience - nothing in the question suggests transgender policy as an answer. The finding is that it is a minor spontaneous concern on both sides: 4% of Trump supporters named DEI/LGBT/transgender policy as the best thing he had done, and coincidentally 4% of opponents named it as the worst. Deportation and immigration dominated for supporters (33%), DOGE and funding cuts for opponents (24%).
Subgroup figures (3)
worst thing Trump has done, open-ended - share naming DEI/LGBT/transgender policy
(IF OPPOSE TRUMP) What do you think is the worst thing Trump has done since entering office in January? (Open-end; responses grouped into categories)
Wording notes: asked only of respondents who oppose what Trump has done | same merged DEI/LGBT/transgender coding category as Q9, so trans-specific mentions cannot be separated | 19% skipped the question
neutral — Unprompted open-end with no priming. Recorded alongside Q9 because the symmetry is the point: transgender policy registered at 4% spontaneously among both supporters and opponents in February 2025, well behind DOGE, immigration and tariffs on both sides. That is a useful counterweight to the closed-ended salience items, which force respondents to rate an issue they would not otherwise raise.
Subgroup figures (3)